🔥🔥🔥 Examples Of Racism In Literature

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Examples Of Racism In Literature

Threats of loss jobs and refusal of medical care are some of Examples Of Racism In Literature coercion methods employed. The Aboriginal Justice Inquiry in Manitoba, [] the Examples Of Racism In Literature Marshall Inquiry in Nova Scotia, [] the Cawsey Report in Alberta Examples Of Racism In Literature and the Royal Commission of Aboriginal People all agree, [] as far Examples Of Racism In Literature Aboriginal people are Examples Of Racism In Literature, racism in Canadian society continues institutionally, systematically, and individually. Economically, jobs were becoming scarce for minorities during the post-war years Examples Of Racism In Literature returning servicemen reclaimed Examples Of Racism In Literature manufacturing and factory base. Racism as a Determinant of Health: A Systematic Review Examples Of Racism In Literature Meta-Analyses Paradies et al, is the most recent and comprehensive research on the issue, yet it cannot be used to base public health interventions as it contains Examples Of Racism In Literature limitations. Anthony Fauci Examples Of Racism In Literature, testified Examples Of Racism In Literature a combination of factors affect the disproportionate numbers of minorities infected. A million? Vigilante actions Examples Of Racism In Literature violence against Mexicans in Women In 16th Century Russia Southwest has been documented from the s to s. If evidence of the alien's Examples Of Racism In Literature advocacy and teaching is so Examples Of Racism In Literature that Examples Of Racism In Literature exists in Examples Of Racism In Literature that Examples Of Racism In Literature, and as secured herein, he is a Reflective Essay On Film Studies less danger Examples Of Racism In Literature this country that are the parties who in Examples Of Racism In Literature of law and order, Daltons Law And Archimedes Principle Lab Report humanity and justice, have brought him to deportation.

Racism in Literature [CC]

With the combination of severe and unbalanced drug-possession laws, along with the rates of conviction in terms of race, the judicial system has created a racial disparity. The law was changed in to reduce disparity; it affected only new cases. The need, according to Senate, was for a retroactive fix to reduce the thousands serving long sentences after four decades of extreme sentencing policies. Studies have shown it is possible to reduce both prison populations and crime at the same time. Sentencing commission announced a retroactive reduction in drug sentences following a year-long review, which will result in a mass release of 6, prisoners, all of whom have already served substantial time in prison.

Some of those to be released will be deported, and all will be subject to further judicial review. The issue of policies that target minority populations in large cities, also known as stop and frisk and arrest quotas , as practiced by the NYPD, have receded from media coverage due to lawsuits that have altered the practice. After taking office in , New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio declined to continue litigating stop-and-frisk practices, and the number of minorities stopped under the practice dropped dramatically. A Stanford University study that analyzed 93 million traffic stops in the United States revealed that African Americans are twenty percent more likely to be stopped despite being less likely to be in possession of contraband compared to white people.

A Harvard University study [] found that in Massachusetts's criminal justice system minorities face greater risk to be represented across all parts of the criminal justice system in excess of their proportion of the population in that state. The likelihood that they will get arrested and convicted due to drug or weapons charges is eight times greater than for whites. Black people were found to receive average sentences that were days longer, and Latino people days longer, for the same offences. The study concluded that regarding ' stop and frisk ' "The disparity in searches was more consistent with racial bias than with differences in criminal conduct,". A recent report by former Homeland Security secretary Jeh Johnson found both overt and institutional racism to be a pervasive problem in the NYS court system.

Chief administrative Judge Lawrence K. Marks found the reports findings troubling and said the state would attempt to implement all the report's solutions. The report also highlighted intolerant racism among court officers. One judge said the reluctance to provide funding to New York city courts was "the very definition of institutional bias". The disparity between the sentences given to black people and white offenders has been most highlighted by that of crack- and powdered-cocaine offenses, which received disparate sentencing pursuant to federal law.

Members of Congress and state legislators believed these harsh, inflexible sentences would catch those at the top of the drug trade and deter others from entering it. Instead, this broad response to the drug problem brought in more low-level offenders, which resulted in overcapacity prison populations and increased burdens for taxpayers. A federal investigation initiated before the Michael Brown shooting in Ferguson, Missouri, found faults with the treatment given youths in the juvenile justice system in St.

Louis County, Missouri. The Justice Department, following a month investigation based on 33, cases over three years, reported that black youths were treated more harshly than were whites and that all low-income youths, regardless of race, were deprived of their basic constitutional rights. Youths who encountered law enforcement got little or no chance to challenge detention or get any help from lawyers. With only one public defender assigned to juveniles in a county of one million, and that Legal Aid handled cases in The investigation was unrelated to the notorious case that roiled St.

Louis, beginning before the police shooting of the unarmed black youth. But to be accepted into the informal process, offenders had to admit to guilt, which runs afoul of the right not to incriminate oneself in criminal proceedings. It also found them more likely to be held in detention, and also subsequently sentenced to incarceration once the case was finished. They were also more likely to be detained for violating parole from a previous case. The county did not cooperate fully with the Justice Department, and the St.

Louis Family Court declined to comment, as did the state court system, of which it is a part. A Justice Department official faulted "the role of implicit bias when there are discretionary decisions to be made". In most state courts, the public defender's office decides who is poor enough to merit representation; in St. Louis Family Court the judge or court commissioner, sometimes based on different standards, decides who gets access to counsel. Their competency to take part in their own defense was never established and the legal aide in the cases examined never challenged a probable cause finding, hired an expert witness or challenged hearsay evidence or leading questions and most cases ended with the child pleading guilty.

The Civil Rights Division of the Justice Department began four investigations beginning in delving into juvenile justice systems in Mississippi, Tennessee, Texas, and Missouri, and, while settlements were reached, it has had to file suit to overcome the disparities in criminal convictions. In , two Washington state supreme court justices, Richard B. Sanders and James M. They stated that there was too much African-American representation in the prison population because African Americans are known to commit a number of crimes and not because of their race.

A black lawyer said that she was shocked to hear these two justices refer to a former Legal Aid lawyer's assertions in a report using the phrase poverty pimp. Shirley Bondon, a state Administrative Office of the Courts AOC manager who oversaw court programs critical of the legal system, told the justices that she believed that there was racial "bias in the criminal-justice system, from the bottom up. James M. Johnson , who was noted as the most conservative judge on the court, agreed, noting that African Americans commit crimes against their own communities, to which Bondon objected, requesting a closed-door meeting with the court.

Within, Justice Debra Stephens said that she heard Sanders and Johnson make the comments, including Johnson using the words "you all" or "you people" when he stated that African Americans commit crimes in their own communities. In , African Americans represented 4 percent of Washington State's population but 20 percent of the prison population. Nationwide, similar disparities have been attributed by researchers to sentencing practices, [] inadequate legal representation, [] drug-enforcement policies [] and criminal-enforcement procedures that unfairly affect African Americans.

In , an investigation revealed that Oklahoma Judges who violated their judicial oaths and failed to comply with laws faced no sanctions as none had been imposed since Across the United States, thousands more were privately sanctioned in chambers by Supreme Court Justices and had their cases closed without the public ever being notified of what they were charged with. The report identified 3, cases from to where judges were disciplined but had their identities hidden, along with the nature of the offences- from public scrutiny. The report found that 9 out of 10 judges sanctioned for misconduct were allowed to return to their duties, revealing a lax oversight and lenient disciplinary system in place for significant transgressions.

In , the U. Department of Justice pursued charges against 21 officers and executives of the Phelps Dodge Mining Company for the kidnapping of 1, workers across state lines from Bisbee, Arizona. The men were subsequently released based on a pre-trial motion from the defense, claiming that the federal government had no basis for charging them, as no federal law was broken. Arizona officials never initiated criminal proceedings in state court against those responsible for the deportation of workers and their lost wages and other losses. The Justice Department appealed, but in United States v. Wheeler , U. Constitution did not empower the federal government to enforce the rights of the deportees. Rather it "necessarily assumed the continued possession by the states of the reserved power to deal with free residence, ingress, and egress.

By this calculated reasoning, the officials situated at the Supreme Court erred in not taking the side that in today's legal lexicon had every right to seek justice and redress, not only for the stolen wages, union busting, false imprisonment and other crimes, but for the inherent right not to be forcibly removed from your home by men with guns and shipped in cattle cars across state lines as many homeowners were. That 8 of the 9 supreme court justices concurred and, based on anti-radical speech sentiment at the time post WWI anti-union and IWW , [] leads to the conclusion that the government gave the company cover to remove the workers, many of whom were Mexicans advocating for better pay and working condition, to a place in the next state closer to the border with the admonition never to return.

Guest , U. At the end of the conflict, Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer and others advocated for a peacetime equivalent of the Sedition Act , using the Bisbee events as a justification. They stated that the only reason the company representatives and local law enforcement had taken the law into their own hands was that the government lacked the power to suppress radical sentiment directly. If the government was armed with appropriate legislation and the threat of long prison terms, private citizens would not feel the need to act. Writing in , Harvard Professor Zechariah Chafee mocked that view: "Doubtless some governmental action was required to protect pacifists and extreme radicals from mob violence, but incarceration for a period of twenty years seems a very queer kind of protection.

Vigilante actions and violence against Mexicans in the Southwest has been documented from the s to s. Hundreds to thousands of Mexicans were killed, many of them American citizens, by white Anglo Americans and government forces. Some were killed to drive them off their land or because they were suspected as bandits or rebels. Many were lynched, including some taken from jail cells or killed in front of hundreds. For example, a month after the Brite Ranch raid in Texas, Rangers committed the Porvenir massacre near the Mexican border where 15 men and boys were executed and falsely accused of involvement in the raid.

She was later over-ruled by the head of the State Historical Commission, who brokered a deal to erect markers at Anglo ranches that were victims of suspected Mexican Villistas as well. According to the United States Department of Justice, Palmer violated his oath of office by misusing the Department of Justice to go illegally after those advocating for better wages. Strikers became targets of agent provocateurs who infiltrated meetings of "communist labor" and anti-war activists.

After the Bisbee deportations became exposed in the press, Americans were divided about the treatment of illegal aliens, who were purported communists. Former President Theodore Roosevelt opined in the press that the Bisbee miners "had it coming, as they were hell-bent on havoc! The Red Scare that fueled institutional racism in the s against Russian Jews and other Eastern European immigrants was a backlash to the Bolshevik revolution in Russia and a bombing campaign early in by Italian anarchists advocating the overthrow of the government.

The result was the infamous Palmer raids , ostensibly a deportation measure to remove dangerous aliens. Mitchell Palmer began a series of raids cooked up to remove radicals and anarchists from the United States. Warrants were requested from compliant officials in the Labor Department , and a number of foreign nationals caught up in the sweeping raids were eventually deported. As only the department of labor had the legal right to deport aliens, they did object to the methods; nevertheless, under color of law , the raids began on 7 November It was led by a year-old J.

Newspaper accounts reported some were "badly beaten" during the arrests. Government agents cast a wide net, bringing in some American citizens, passers-by who admitted being Russian, some not members of the Russian Workers. Arrests far exceeded the number of warrants. Of arrested in New York City, the government managed to deport just Hoover organized the next raids. He successfully persuaded the Department of Labor to ease its insistence on promptly alerting those arrested of their right to an attorney.

Instead, Labor issued instructions that its representatives could wait until after the case against the defendant was established, "in order to protect government interests. Finally, despite the fact that Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson insisted that more than membership in an organization was required for a warrant, Hoover worked with more compliant Labor officials and overwhelmed Labor staff to get the warrants he wanted.

Justice Department officials, including Palmer and Hoover, later claimed ignorance of such details. The Justice Department launched a series of raids on 2 January , with follow-up operations over the next few days. Smaller raids extended over the next six weeks. At least 3, were arrested, and many others were held for various lengths of time. The entire enterprise replicated the November action on a larger scale, including arrests and seizures without search warrants, as well as detention in overcrowded and unsanitary holding facilities.

Hoover later admitted "clear cases of brutality". Some cases in Boston included torture, where detainees were placed in a 'hot box' above a furnace and given one glass of water and a slice of bread a day and kept there for 50 hours. The raids covered more than 30 cities and towns in 23 states, but those west of the Mississippi and south of Ohio were "publicity gestures" designed to make the effort appear nationwide in scope. Because the raids targeted entire organizations, agents arrested everyone found in organization meeting halls, not only arresting non-radical organization members but also visitors who did not belong to a target organization, and sometimes American citizens not eligible for arrest and deportation.

In a few weeks, after changes in personnel at the Department of Labor, Palmer faced a new and very independent-minded Acting Secretary of Labor in Assistant Secretary of Labor Louis Freeland Post , who canceled more than 2, warrants as being illegal. Of the 10, arrested, 3, were held by authorities in detention; resident aliens were eventually deported under the Immigration Act of The President listened to his feuding department heads and offered no comment about Post, but he ended the meeting by telling Palmer that he should "not let this country see red.

On 28 May , the ACLU published its "Report Upon the Illegal Practices of the United States Department of Justice", [] which carefully documented the Justice Department's unlawful activities in arresting suspected radicals, illegal entrapment by agents provocateurs , and unlawful incommunicado detention. He wrote: "That a Quaker should employ prison and exile to counteract evil-thinking is one of the saddest ironies of our time.

Anderson ordered the discharge of 17 arrested aliens and denounced the Department of Justice's actions. He wrote that "a mob is a mob, whether made up of Government officials acting under instructions from the Department of Justice or of criminals and loafers and the vicious classes. In Montana, copper miners were dissatisfied with the Western Federation of Miners and thus clashes between the miners were formed leading to the detainment of many workers in the field. The U. District Court Judge George M. Bourquin , wrote in a decision granting a writ releasing them on 12 February , "The Declaration of Independence, the writings of the Fathers of our Country, the Revolution, the Constitution and the Union, all were inspired to overthrow the like governmental tyranny.

They are yet living, vital, potential forces to safeguard all domiciled in the country, aliens as well as citizens. If evidence of the alien's evil advocacy and teaching is so wanting that it exists in only that herein, and as secured herein, he is a far less danger to this country that are the parties who in violation of law and order, of humanity and justice, have brought him to deportation. They are the spirit of intolerance incarnate, and the most alarming manifestation in America today.

The judge summed it up neatly; "Thoughtful men who love this country and its institutions see more danger in them and in their practices and the government by hysteria they stimulate, than in the miserable, hated "Reds" that are the ostensible occasion of them all. Those people may confidently assume that even as the "Reds", they too in due time will pass, and the nation still lives. It is for the courts to deal with both, to hold both in check when brought within the jurisdiction.

His first book, Freedom of Speech , established modern First Amendment theory. Many other minorities also suffered from institutional racism. One example is immigration policies against Chinese. The intensified job competition during the s on the West Coast between Chinese workers and whites invoked anti-Chinese movement. The first Chinese Exclusion Act of was passed to prohibit Chinese immigrating to the United States, resulting in only ten Chinese immigrants into the United States in Anti-immigration sentiment can also affect minorities who have been U.

The Immigration Act reversed the national-origins quota system that had been in place since the s, which had discriminated against certain ethnic minorities, [] particularly those originating in the Eastern Hemisphere. Voluntary repatriation was more common than formal deportation. The government formally deported at least 82, people to Mexico between and Few were formally deported, with most going to Mexico from their own towns where officials using threats of deportation coerced them; or were repatriated through voluntary — though often coercive — repatriation programs directed by state and local governments, and charitable aid agencies. The repatriation campaign was a response to migration west by the Oakies and housing and wage labor shortages in the United States during the Great Depression.

With increased poverty and fewer jobs, many Americans and officials scapegoated Mexicans. Doak Hoovervilles scapegoated "illegal immigrants" migrant workers as taking jobs from Americans. While not specifying Mexicans, repatriation campaigns overwhelmingly targeted Mexicans. According to Abraham Hoffman, [] "from on, cities and counties across the country intensified and embarked upon repatriation programs, conducted under the auspices of either local welfare bureaus or private charitable agencies".

The Los Angeles chairman of the board of supervisors' charities and public welfare committee and later Los Angeles mayor , Frank L. Shaw had researched the legality of deportation but was advised by that only the federal government was legally allowed to deport people. As a result, the L. County supervisors called their campaign " repatriation ", which Balderrama [] asserts was a euphemism for deportation. Visel, [] the spokesman for Los Angeles Citizens Committee for Coordination of Unemployment Relief began his "unemployment relief measure" that would create a "psychological gesture" intended to "scarehead" [] Mexicans out of Los Angeles, [] through a series of "publicity releases announcing the deportation campaign, a few arrests would be made 'with all publicity possible and pictures', and both police and deputy sheriffs would assist".

Numerous books have been written about the repatriations including 'Decade of Betrayal', by social history professor Raymond Rodriguez and Francisco Balderrama. Government for the Repatriation. In a survey of the nine most commonly used American history textbooks in the United States, four did not mention the topic, and only one devoted more than half a page to the topic. In total, they devoted four pages to the repatriation. The Mexican labor that supplied U. Those apprehended were often deported without recovering property or contacting family and were often stranded without food or employment when they entered Mexico. Deported Mexicans often faced extreme conditions, and some were left in the desert; 88 deported workers died in degree heat in July Most deported were sent by ship to Veracruz or transported by land to southern Mexican cities.

During the Operation, recruitment of illegal workers by American growers continued due to the inexpensiveness of illegal labor and desire to avoid the bureaucratic obstacles of the Bracero program. Merit-based hiring to civil service titles are race-blind in terms of hiring preferences; in practice, however, there are titles that have resisted integration to the present day. Institutions that resist even past the civil right fights of the s and s resulted in court interventions in the s and even up to the last decade.

Many of the Consent Decrees that resulted from court intervention came about as a result of the federal government intervening due to EEOC complaints in hiring or attempts to litigate discrimination that was overt. Police and Fire Departments across the country have been slow to change the insular culture that kept them lacking in diversity and open to challenges. Civil Service, as an institution, was traditionally used to prevent nepotism and the influence of politics in appointments to the position.

Authorized at the federal level in , it came about due to reforms of the spoils system in place since the s, and abuses of the post-Civil War era, when Congress authorized the president to appoint a Civil Service Commission and prescribe regulations for admission to public service. A dissatisfied office-seeker assassinated President Garfield in , and Congress was motivated to pass the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act in , which firmly established the Civil Service. During Reconstruction, this enabled the federal government to provide jobs for newly freed black people in the South primarily the Postal Service where no other employment opportunities existed for them. Since the inception of the merit system in , the numbers of black people in federal Civil Service positions rose from 0.

Since , the majority of federal employees are placed in positions that are classified by Civil Service designations. Civil Service Reform. In , with segregation the law of the land, Southern Democrats in Congress under the administration of President Woodrow Wilson had attempted to remove as many minorities as possible from their established position in the federal Civil Service, especially at the Postal Service. This enabled the administration to demote and eliminate black civil servants from positions held in Civil Service and further prevented any new appointments, thus purposefully exacerbating black exclusion from the federal Civil Service.

Signs appeared restricting toilets and lunchrooms, whole offices were segregated by room and workers were paired off by race. There were also bills to restrict black immigration. This spread to the states where more bills passed restricting black people. Federal Civil Service did not fare well under Wilson, as he held that "it was to their advantage" and "likely to remove many of the difficulties which have surrounded the appointment and advancement of colored men and women", espousing the segregation taking place under his administration.

The next chapter was the Hatch Act of , which prevented state and local civil servants from taking part in political activities or running for office. It was a response to conservative forces in Congress who wanted to prevent administration appointments to certain agencies aligned with the WPA and FDR presidential confidante Harry Hopkins , whom they felt were giving jobs to the 'wrong people'.

Until the Brown vs. Board of Education Supreme Court decision and the related cases that ushered in the Civil Rights era, institutional segregation was upheld at the federal level by the Plessy vs. Ferguson U. Supreme Court case decision, which the court overturned in Following this, cities consulted with their attorneys and as a result, integration began. This was replaced in turn by institutional racism, the practice of upholding the letter of the law, but not the spirit, in an effort to prevent minority hires from gaining ground in titles where they were disproportionately underrepresented, such as police and fire departments, and in management positions.

Around the country in the s, black people found common cause in challenging employment discrimination , and the colored newspapers took up the cause. Economically, jobs were becoming scarce for minorities during the post-war years as returning servicemen reclaimed the manufacturing and factory base. Civil Service looked to be a reasonable alternative to black people returning from World War II service overseas and black officers leaving the newly desegregated armed services.

When the Fire Chief Engineer John Alderson attempted to integrate the department, the resistance to integration created so-called 'Hate Houses' and resulted in the formation of The Stentorians as a protective force of guardians to protect minority firefighters. New York had previously experienced its own revelations when the Vulcan Society appeared before the city council and demanded the elimination of 'the black bed' in firehouses for black firemen. At that hearing in , the NYC council chambers filled with FDNY brass on one side and black firefighters protesting the lack of promotional opportunities and racial harassment on the other.

With that as the backdrop, integration began and segregation was replaced by institutional racism, which took the form much the same way it did when black people first got hired before and during World War II. Black people once appointed to a Civil Service position were subjected to isolation, ostracism, outright hostility and separate quarters. After , the first black hires to the LAFD after integration unfairly failed to finish academy training.

The Vulcan Society in New York mentored many blacks, but progress was slow, with hiring not reflected in mirroring the population of the cities served until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of , when the number of minority hirings increased. Department of Labor in the s began enforcing racial quotas during the Nixon administration that mandated black hiring, but it was the lawsuits of the s that exploded the imposition of consent decrees across the country forcing the diversity of the hard to integrate titles.

In , the Vulcan Blazers of the Baltimore, Maryland fire department filed a groundbreaking lawsuit that resulted in the appointment of blacks to positions of officers up to assistant chief when the court ruled there had been discrimination in promotions. As other recent lawsuits have proved, civil departments have held their heads responsible for cases of institutional racism, an example of which is the case in of the LAFD Chief, William Bamattre , [] who was retired by the mayor of Los Angeles after being perceived of kowtowing to racial pandering in responding to lawsuits affecting his department.

Affirmative action , while originally meant to refer to a set of policies and practices preventing discrimination based on race, creed, color, and ethnicity, now often refers to policies positively supporting members of disadvantaged or underrepresented groups that have in the past suffered discrimination in areas such as education, employment, and housing.

Historically and internationally, support for affirmative action has sought to achieve goals such as bridging inequalities in employment and pay, increasing access to education, promoting diversity, and redressing apparent past wrongs, harms, or hindrances. In the s President George H. Bush attempted to eliminate affirmative action during his term of office. Filing a brief against quotas in college admissions, [] he also stood against the use of quotas , preferences, and set-asides on the basis of race, sex, religion, or national origin, and abolished their use in hiring.

It had been near impossible to prove a case of institutional discrimination in the courts, [] [] and many other cases were terminated upon imposition of a consent decree. While President George H. Bush's attempt failed, it did give rise to the California Proposition , [] a ballot initiative abolishing affirmative action in California universities. This closed down the avenues affirmative action initiatives had opened for minorities, as legislation no longer required California universities to actively facilitate the development of ethnically diverse campus populations. Consequently, employment discrimination lawsuits seeking compensation for discriminatory hiring declined, as arguments for redress on account of past wrongs under the 'catchup provisions' no longer worked in favor of claimants.

In the UCLA Board of Regents publicly renounced on account of the decline in minority admissions to California universities after was implemented. Similar ballot initiatives to California spread around the country, primarily in red states. In the case of Gratz v. Bollinger , the Supreme Court ruled that the University of Michigan's mis-implementation of affirmative action in its point-allocation-based admittance process had resulted in a homogenized statistical advantage for minority applicants and unconstitutionally rendered the university incapable of differentiating between the distinct diversity contributions of each individual.

On the same day and concerning another University of Michigan Law School applicant, the supreme court ruled in the case of Grutter v. Bollinger that while failing to recognize the distinct contributions of minority groups was unconstitutional, [] [ citation needed ] the overall initiative of affirmative action - creating an inclusive, racially diverse demographic - was not. Efforts to abolish affirmative action were not limited to California and Michigan. In American Civil Rights Institute chairman Ward Connerly successfully campaigned for the passage of legislation banning affirmative action in Nebraska.

Three of the five states that ACRI pushed anti-affirmative action ballots in rejected them and it failed to make the ballot in another. Because we have developed this notion of women and minorities being so disadvantaged and we have to help them, that we have, in many cases, twisted the thing so that it's no longer a case of equal opportunity. It's a case of putting a fist on the scale. Conservative objections to affirmative action include that although aimed at rectifying discriminatory practices, affirmative action is inherently discriminatory against the majority and the fulfillment of ' racial quotas ' precludes employers from hiring the most qualified candidate available for a position. Supporters of affirmative action cite the extent to which past institutionalized racism adversely affected minorities.

In , a study concluded that proposition had caused harm to black and Hispanic students without any tangible gains for white or Asian students replacing them in the University of California system. Standardized testing has also been considered a form of institutional racism, because it is believed to be biased in favor of people from particular socio-cultural backgrounds. Some minorities have consistently tested worse than whites on virtually all standardized tests, even after controlling for socioeconomic status, while others have tested consistently better. Bakke allowed minorities to gain an edge in university admissions and hiring.

Justice Connors swing vote in Grutter was a rebuke of Proposition and similar initiatives, giving a year timeline where such interventions would no longer be necessary. Schuette banned the use of race in public university admissions. Through the use of discriminatory ballot initiatives to bypass the law, gaining public acceptance of anti-affirmative action endeavors, the process of placing undue burdens on minorities seeking advancement has, in this century, become entrenched. In her dissent to Schutte, Associate Justice Sonia Sotomayor wrote that the voters of Michigan had "changed the basic rules of the political process in that State in a manner that uniquely disadvantaged racial minorities. In the s, students of color started attending colleges and universities in record numbers after the passage of the Civil Rights and Higher Education Acts.

According to a review of educational research, tension and violence followed, one reason being the lack of preparedness of many colleges and universities to teach a diversity of students. The Brown vs. Board of Education decision was the beginning of the process of desegregation and the elimination of de jure discrimination. However, it was hard to determine the challenges that the process would present and the obstacles that would continue to exist.

While the concept of "separate but equal" had been overturned by the U. Supreme Court , it was clear that the racial divide had not yet been resolved. Board of Education passed, both verbal and physical abuse continued. Board of Education, the desegregated environment proved to be strenuous and was going to require some work. Board of Education was ruled in , actual integration did not completely occur until many years later; the U. Supreme Court held multiple hearings on the desegregation of schools, continuously they maintained that Brown v.

Board of Education must be followed by schools, colleges, and universities. Board of Education was drawn out years after the decision helped instill racism in education by illustrating the extraordinary lengths some educational institutions would go to in order to avoid integration. While unfair treatment remains, other lasting effects have yet to be resolved. The underlying issue of minority presence of college campuses occurs. In , the National Center for Education Statistics reported that while enrollment of minorities and students of color had risen, white enrollment still held the majority on average, accounting for 63 percent of undergraduate college and university students.

According to the U. Department of Education, there has also been a rise in hate crimes on college campuses, with hate crimes in , up 25 percent from Access to post-secondary education seems to be an issue as well. Department of Education, being prepared for college is integral to whether or not a student is successful. While programs such as Federal TRIO Programs have grown since conception, there is still work that needs to be done if more minority students are expected to attend and succeed in a post-secondary institution.

Due to availability of Federal TRIO Programs being subjective based on where geographically a student may be, the benefits are not completely being felt be the targeted communities. However, the positive effects of Federal TRIO Programs have been pretty bolstering—more minorities and low-income individuals are prepared when going to post-secondary institutions. Institutionalized racism in higher education has received little national attention, even though it is a relevant issue affecting many colleges and universities.

Despite efforts to improve the situation on college and university campuses, such as implementing affirmative action plans, anti-black racism and violence continue to occur. According to a U. The relationship between denotation and connotation as literary devices is both contrasting and complementary. Connotation is a feeling or emotion that a word evokes or carries, and this affects the way a reader understands its use.

For example, the words lady and broad have the same denotations. However, lady has a positive connotation in terms of politeness and refinement; whereas broad has a negative connotation in terms of slang and its pejorative nature. Therefore, lady and broad have the same literal meaning but evoke different emotions and reactions in a reader due to their associated meanings. Writers utilize denotation when the specific and literal meaning of a word is needed for clarity. Though denotation is straightforward, it can restrict creativity in a literary work if it is overused. Connotation enhances detail, development, and variety in literature, in addition to eliciting an emotional reaction and interpretation from the reader. Therefore, both denotation and connotation are essential literary devices.

Word choice, perhaps, has the strongest and most powerful influence on a reader in a work of literature. Therefore, denotation as the literal meaning of a word is an essential literary device for creating meaning in a literary work. In general, context is helpful in establishing connotative meaning in a literary work. However, denotation reflects a standardized meaning that is usually independent of context in literature.

Overall, denotation allows writers to be explicitly clear in their expression so that readers, regardless of their personal experience, are allowed direct understanding of their meaning. This enhances the accuracy of literary interpretation as well. Here are some examples of denotation in literature:. In her autobiography , Angelou utilizes both denotation and connotation to reveal her story and address violence, racism, and other experiences that formed her identity.

In this quote, Angelou is careful in her wording and relies on denotation as a literary device so that her reader understands her exact and explicit meaning. In addition, through this denotation, Angelou is offering reciprocal understanding and empathy to her readers and their untold stories. Just like how oxymorons can serve a number of purposes, dramatic irony can serve several functions. It can add suspense or help the audience understand a character better.

As a screenwriter, learn all of the literary techniques you can so that you can have stronger scripts with more fleshed-out characters. Write and collaborate on your scripts FREE. Create script breakdowns, sides, schedules, storyboards, call sheets and more. Previous Post. Next Post. A visual medium requires visual methods. Master the art of visual storytelling with our FREE video series on directing and filmmaking techniques. More and more people are flocking to the small screen to find daily entertainment.

So how can you break put from the pack and get your idea onto the small screen? Skip to content. Who knows? Oxymorons tend to make awfully good movie titles as well. Tools For Screenwriters Literary Devices. Oxymoron and Paradox. Some common paradox examples include: The enemy of my enemy is my friend. The greatest thing that can come from hate is love. I am nobody. What a pity that youth must be wasted on the young.

Other oxymoron examples in literature include the following passages. What is an oxymoron in film? Using Oxymoron in a Sentence. What is tautology? Up Next: What is Dramatic Irony? Write and produce your scripts all in one place. Leave a comment Cancel reply Your email address will not be published.

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