① Narcissism Analysis

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Narcissism Analysis



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For other uses, see Narcissism disambiguation. It has been suggested that this article be merged into Narcissistic personality disorder. Discuss Proposed since September This article needs attention from an expert in Psychiatry or Psychology. The specific problem is: that the narrative below is confusing and misleading and does not address the fundamental elements of the subject. September Borderline personality disorder Narcissistic abuse Narcissistic leadership Narcissistic rage and narcissistic injury Narcissistic supply Vulnerable narcissism The Mask of Sanity. Campbells' Psychiatric Dictionary Ninth ed. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. ISBN LCCN Edmonton, Alberta, Canada: Brush Education.

In de Mojilla, Alain ed. International Dictionary of Psychoanalysis. Detroit, Michigan: Thomson-Gale. Comprehensive Dictionary of Psychoanalysis. Abingdon, England: Routledge. January 1, Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association. PMID S2CID Severe Personality Disorders: Psychotherapeutic Strategies. Yale University Press. January Basel, Switzerland: Karger Publishers. The International Journal of Psychoanalysis. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 14 September American Psychological Association. Web MD. Retrieved 18 June ISBN Ballantine Books. The Free Press. Retrieved Narcissistic Abuse Rehab.

Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association. Wabash College. Retrieved 15 September Keith; Foster, Joshua D. The Self. Frontiers of Social Psychology. Psychology Press. Journal of Personality. CiteSeerX PMID See p. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. The Analysis of the Self. A systematic approach to the psychoanalytic treatment of narcissistic personality disorders. London: The University of Chicago Press. Psychological Inquiry. S2CID Am J Psychiatry. Journal of Sex and Marital Therapy. Sex Roles.

Living Center Press. The Family Journal. The Therapist, Emily November ISSN Kepner, Body Process p. DuBrin Narcissism in the Workplace. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. Archived from the original PDF on Journal of Applied Psychology. International Journal of Selection and Assessment. Journal of Drug Issues. Psyc articles. Psychology and Behavioral Sciences Collection. The Identity Reader. London: Sage. Quoted in Tyler, Imogen September International Journal of Cultural Studies. In Gaitanidis, Anastasios; Curk, Polona eds. Narcissism — A Critical Reader. Nixon could never fill a room the way Trump can. Research shows that people low in agreeableness are typically viewed as untrustworthy.

Dishonesty and deceit brought down Nixon and damaged the institution of the presidency. It is generally believed today that all politicians lie, or at least dissemble, but Trump appears extreme in this regard. One possible yield is an energetic, activist president who has a less than cordial relationship with the truth. He could be a daring and ruthlessly aggressive decision maker who desperately desires to create the strongest, tallest, shiniest, and most awesome result—and who never thinks twice about the collateral damage he will leave behind. Because Jackson did not have a majority, however, the election was decided in the House of Representatives, where Adams prevailed.

Adams subsequently chose Clay as his secretary of state. The Washington establishment had defied the will of the people, they believed. Jackson rode the wave of public resentment to victory four years later, marking a dramatic turning point in American politics. A beloved hero of western farmers and frontiersmen, Jackson was the first nonaristocrat to become president. He was the first president to invite everyday folk to the inaugural reception. To the horror of the political elite, throngs tracked mud through the White House and broke dishes and decorative objects. Washington insiders reviled Jackson. They saw him as intemperate, vulgar, and stupid. Opponents called him a jackass—the origin of the donkey symbol for the Democratic Party. Jackson fought at least 14 duels in his life, leaving him with bullet fragments lodged throughout his body.

On the last day of his presidency, he admitted to only two regrets: that he was never able to shoot Henry Clay or hang John C. The similarities between Andrew Jackson and Donald Trump do not end with their aggressive temperaments and their respective positions as Washington outsiders. Jackson was an angry populist, they believed—a wild-haired mountain man who channeled the crude sensibilities of the masses. Authoritarianism is also associated with suspiciousness of the humanities and the arts, and with cognitive rigidity, militaristic sentiments, and Christian fundamentalism.

When individuals with authoritarian proclivities fear that their way of life is being threatened, they may turn to strong leaders who promise to keep them safe—leaders like Donald Trump. In a national poll conducted recently by the political scientist Matthew MacWilliams, high levels of authoritarianism emerged as the single strongest predictor of expressing political support for Donald Trump. As the social psychologist Jesse Graham has noted, Trump appeals to an ancient fear of contagion, which analogizes out-groups to parasites, poisons, and other impurities.

On a daily basis, Trump seems to experience more disgust, or at least to say he does, than most people do. The authoritarian mandate is to ensure the security, purity, and goodness of the in-group—to keep the good stuff in and the bad stuff out. In the s, white settlers in Georgia and other frontier areas lived in constant fear of American Indian tribes. They resented the federal government for not keeping them safe from what they perceived to be a mortal threat and a corrupting contagion. Responding to these fears, President Jackson pushed hard for the passage of the Indian Removal Act, which eventually led to the forced relocation of 45, American Indians. At least 4, Cherokees died on the Trail of Tears, which ran from Georgia to the Oklahoma territory. An American strand of authoritarianism may help explain why the thrice-married, foul-mouthed Donald Trump should prove to be so attractive to white Christian evangelicals.

As Jerry Falwell Jr. When my research associates and I once asked politically conservative Christians scoring high on authoritarianism to imagine what their life and their world might have been like had they never found religious faith, many described utter chaos—families torn apart, rampant infidelity and hate, cities on fire, the inner rings of hell. By contrast, equally devout politically liberal Christians who scored low on authoritarianism described a barren world depleted of all resources, joyless and bleak, like the arid surface of the moon.

For authoritarian Christians, a strong faith—like a strong leader—saves them from chaos and tamps down fears and conflicts. Donald Trump is a savior, even if he preens and swears, and waffles on the issue of abortion. You must project bigness. Cognitive-science research suggests that people rely on personal schemata to process new social information efficiently and effectively. A key to successful decision making is knowing what your schemata are, so that you can change them when you need to. In the negotiations for the Menie Estate in Scotland, Trump wore Tom Griffin down by making one outlandish demand after another and bargaining hard on even the most trivial issues of disagreement.

He never quit fighting. He promised that its construction would create 1, permanent jobs in the Aberdeen area, but to date, only about have been documented. On the campaign trail, he has often said that he would simply pick up the phone and call people—say, a CEO wishing to move his company to Mexico—in order to make propitious deals for the American people. For example, a contributor to Lyndon B. Obama, by contrast, has been accused of failing to put in the personal effort needed to forge close and productive relationships with individual members of Congress. Having said that, deal making is an apt description for only some presidential activities, and the modern presidency is too complex to rely mainly on personal relationships.

Presidents work within institutional frameworks that transcend the idiosyncratic relationships between specific people, be they heads of state, Cabinet secretaries, or members of Congress. The most-effective leaders are able to maintain some measure of distance from the social and emotional fray of everyday politics. Keeping the big picture in mind and balancing a myriad of competing interests, they cannot afford to invest too heavily in any particular relationship.

For U. It has to be much more. Trump has hinted at other means through which he might address the kind of complex, long-standing problems that presidents face. Amid the polarized political rhetoric of , it is refreshing to hear a candidate invoke the concept of compromise and acknowledge that different voices need to be heard. It is possible that Trump could prove to be adept as the helmsman of an unwieldy government whose operation involves much more than striking deals—but that would require a set of schemata and skills that appear to lie outside his accustomed way of solving problems. F or psychologists , it is almost impossible to talk about Donald Trump without using the word narcissism. As nearly everybody knows, Trump has attached his name to pretty much everything he has ever touched—from casinos to steaks to a so-called university that promised to teach students how to become rich.

It was the toughest day of his own life, Trump began. In the ancient Greek legend, the beautiful boy Narcissus falls so completely in love with the reflection of himself in a pool that he plunges into the water and drowns. The story provides the mythical source for the modern concept of narcissism, which is conceived as excessive self-love and the attendant qualities of grandiosity and a sense of entitlement. Highly narcissistic people are always trying to draw attention to themselves. Repeated and inordinate self-reference is a distinguishing feature of their personality. What does Donald Trump really want?

What are his most valued life goals? Narcissus wanted, more than anything else, to love himself. People with strong narcissistic needs want to love themselves, and they desperately want others to love them too—or at least admire them, see them as brilliant and powerful and beautiful, even just see them, period. The fundamental life goal is to promote the greatness of the self, for all to see. Accordingly, some experts insist that narcissistic motivations cover up an underlying insecurity. But others argue that there is nothing necessarily compensatory, or even immature, about certain forms of narcissism. Consistent with this view, I can find no evidence in the biographical record to suggest that Donald Trump experienced anything but a loving relationship with his mother and father.

Narcissistic people like Trump may seek glorification over and over, but not necessarily because they suffered from negative family dynamics as children. Rather, they simply cannot get enough. Ever since grade school, Trump has wanted to be No. Attending New York Military Academy for high school, he was relatively popular among his peers and with the faculty, but he did not have any close confidants. As both a coach and an admiring classmate recall in The Trumps , Donald stood out for being the most competitive young man in a very competitive environment. His need to excel—to be the best athlete in school, for example, and to chart out the most ambitious future career—may have crowded out intense friendships by making it impossible for him to show the kind of weakness and vulnerability that true intimacy typically requires.

Whereas you might think that narcissism would be part of the job description for anybody aspiring to become the chief executive of the United States, American presidents appear to have varied widely on this psychological construct. In a Psychological Science research article, behavioral scientists ranked U. Franklin D. Roosevelt, John F. Kennedy, Nixon, and Clinton were next. Millard Fillmore ranked the lowest. Correlating these ranks with objective indices of presidential performance, the researchers found that narcissism in presidents is something of a double-edged sword. In business, government, sports, and many other arenas, people will put up with a great deal of self-serving and obnoxious behavior on the part of narcissists as long as the narcissists continually perform at high levels.

Unlike Trump, he basically ignored his kids, to the point of refusing to acknowledge for some time that one of them was his. Psychological research demonstrates that many narcissists come across as charming, witty, and charismatic upon initial acquaintance. They can attain high levels of popularity and esteem in the short term. As long as they prove to be successful and brilliant—like Steve Jobs—they may be able to weather criticism and retain their exalted status. But more often than not, narcissists wear out their welcome. Over time, people become annoyed, if not infuriated, by their self-centeredness. When narcissists begin to disappoint those whom they once dazzled, their descent can be especially precipitous.

There is still truth today in the ancient proverb: Pride goeth before the fall. The president of the United States is more than a chief executive. He or she is also a symbol, for the nation and for the world, of what it means to be an American. It is largely through the stories he tells or personifies, and through the stories told about him, that a president exerts moral force and fashions a nation-defining legacy.

Like all of us, presidents create in their minds personal life stories—or what psychologists call narrative identities—to explain how they came to be who they are. This process is often unconscious, involving the selective reinterpretation of the past and imagination of the future. A growing body of research in personality, developmental, and social psychology demonstrates that a life story provides adults with a sense of coherence, purpose, and continuity over time.

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